
Kathmandu, July 27, 2025. Each August, Chinese President Xi Jinping, widely regarded as one of the world’s most powerful leaders, retreats from public view. Next week, he is expected to leave Beijing for Beidaihe, a seaside resort three hours east of the capital, to join senior Communist Party officials for their annual summer retreat. This tradition, dating back to Mao Zedong’s era, sees top leaders gather in villas for informal discussions. However, Xi’s prolonged absence often sparks speculation about his grip on power.
This year’s retreat follows a stunning reshuffle of the Communist Party’s top ranks, reflecting Xi’s unchallenged dominance. Veteran leaders have been sidelined or retired, replaced by loyalists who now hold sway. With no apparent rivals, Xi commands the world’s second-largest economy and its largest military with unparalleled authority. His global influence is undeniable, as evidenced by recent meetings with foreign ministers from India and Russia, as well as talks with Australia’s prime minister. A potential meeting with U.S. President Donald Trump later this year is also reportedly “highly likely.”
Yet, China’s elite politics remains a “black box,” with little transparency about internal struggles. Analysts suggest Xi’s leadership style may be subtly shifting. Once reliant on powerful commissions to consolidate control, Xi now appears fatigued, with some commissions meeting infrequently. Increasingly, he delegates to trusted lieutenants to implement his agenda, and his public appearances have noticeably decreased.
This shift marks a departure from Xi’s ruthless centralization of power since taking office in 2012. His anti-corruption campaigns have targeted over 433,000 officials since April 2024 alone, while recent purges within the military have been particularly striking. Several generals from the Central Military Commission, chaired by Xi, are under investigation or have vanished from public view, with He Weidong becoming the highest-ranking officer to fall since 1967.
While delegating to loyalists resolves some challenges, it risks creating new ones. Xi has acknowledged that his inner circle may lack experience. In a June 30 address to the 24-member Politburo, he stressed the need to “tighten the rope of self-revolution.” Xi’s reliance on commissions has allowed him to bypass vested interests and marginalize figures like former Premier Li Keqiang. However, he now often sends written instructions rather than attending meetings, and key commissions, such as the one on economic reform, have met only six times since 2022, down from 38 in his first five years.
New regulations introduced at a June party meeting clarified the roles of these commissions, most of which Xi still chairs. Analysts, including Holly Snape from Glasgow University, see this as part of Xi’s effort to “rule through regulations,” ensuring his agenda prevails even in his absence. This move underscores his commitment to maintaining control without separation of powers.
Xi has also begun delegating key responsibilities to trusted aides like Cai Qi, Premier Li Qiang, and Vice Premier Ding Xuexiang, who were promoted in 2022 despite breaking with tradition. These loyalists, particularly Cai, manage critical party operations, while Li Qiang has reclaimed some economic policy responsibilities. Li’s influence was evident when he represented Xi at the BRICS summit in Brazil in July, marking the first time in 12 years that China’s top leader skipped the event.
An unusual April incident further bolstered Li Qiang’s position when two Politburo members abruptly resigned without explanation, allowing one of Li’s allies to oversee personnel decisions ahead of the 2027 party congress, which will determine key appointments for the next term.
As Xi, now 72, approaches the end of his third five-year term in 2027, there is no indication he plans to step down. His failure to identify a successor or tolerate potential rivals suggests a leader preparing to rule into old age, cementing his legacy as China’s most dominant leader in decades.




